To remedy this situation, President Lyndon B. Johnson on 9 May directed formation of an organization, to be composed of both civilian and military members, to provide American advice and support to the South Vietnamese pacification program. This study is an account of how President Johnson reached the decision that brought unity to American support of pacification and how he carried it out. As such, it is a study in organization and management, decisions and implementation and describes the background and implementation of CORDS, the civilian-military organization that managed U.
Convert currency. Add to Basket. Condition: New. New Book. Shipped from UK. Established seller since Seller Inventory IQ More information about this seller Contact this seller. Language: English. Brand new Book. Seller Inventory APC This book is printed on demand. This co-constitutive system leads us to conclude that the political action that aims at reframing the urban space will necessarily have to deal with individuals.
Although the authors employ this consideration to analyze cases in the Middle East — such as the process that has led to the interruption of electricity services for the Iraqi Kurdistan — we believe that it can also be applied to the case of Rio de Janeiro regarding the process of urban rearrange justified to prepare the city for the Olympics and the World Cup. The proliferation of urbicide practices is related to changes that place the policies for the cities and their population as a central element in the production and creation of social relations, opening a new agenda for biopolitical practices.
There is now something we might call the separation between integrated and segregated areas within states that sets in motion a ghettoization logic Passetti, sustained by that combination of social policies aimed at the poorest and the underprivileged neighborhoods with updating repressive practices police and military in these same areas. This process was preceded and followed by legal adaptations in the countries where mega-events were supposed to happen.
These adaptations aimed at intellectual property rules, as well as new legal frameworks regarding real estate investments and urban planning norms which have opened new paths for unpopular decisions and violent public and private actions toward specific urban areas and their population. In fact, the Italian philosopher Agamben, points out that the concept of exception in modern political analysis can be condensed into two positions. Expressing a reflection that tries to integrate these models, Agamben argues that in contemporary liberal democracies exceptional spaces occupy a gray zone between violence and the law.
In this sense, contemporary politics would be at the same time outside the legal liberal boundaries as well an integral part of its constitution, forming conditions to decide on which subject should be included or excluded — and, ultimately, eliminated — within a given political order. Agamben employs the Roman concept of homo sacer sacred man to define the elements of this exceptionality Aganben, 8 in present time liberal democracies.
Based on the distinction between "political life" zoe and "bios" bare life , the Italian philosopher argues that liberal democracies seek to expunge the latter, while seeking to include it and pacifying it, reclaiming it into political life. The sacred man , in this case, is the individual reduced to bare life , an element that occupies the gray zone that characterizes the state of permanent exception. This point is significantly important for the creation of another argument: the sacred man is also the one that is interpreted as a threat and, therefore, needs to be obliterated, controlled and, if this is not possible, cauterized.
However, we claim that the preparation for the mega-events have boosted the operations and biopolitical actions toward those areas and populations, gathering a renewed social support from middle and high income social groups who saw in it a window opportunity to secure their own position in society through the city landscape under the morally acceptable excuse offered by the preparation for the games.
The use of violence in such cases becomes a condition, and mainly, a justification, to ensure that certain action of occupation is employed. We believe that the combination of these analytical approaches, supported by the urban space construction categorizations out above, make up a powerful theoretical framework to understand how the new surveillance policies reframe public spaces in Rio. The arrival of mega-events in Brazil, and especially at the city of Rio de Janeiro, can be understood as a period of galvanization of the discourses that seek to enable tactics of urban reframing.
With the justification of the necessity to change the city to receive these events, new security and urban practices were adopted. On the one hand, there was a modification in the way public armed agents the Military Police and the Armed Forces were engaged in public safety operations. On the other hand, there was a transformation on how private security agents both Brazilian and foreign companies have been summoned to secure some neighborhoods, touristic areas, working fields for the games infrastructure, private enterprises hotels, restaurants, the docks, etc.
This section will shed some light over the latter. The exponential increase of the presence of these actors has resulted in a significant expansion of concern by human rights activists and analysts alarmed with the lack of control of the use of force in situations of conflict in urban areas Rodrigues et al.
However, the privatization of security and its consequences go far beyond the activities of hired soldiers. In addition to these agents, there is a range of daily activities that are occupied by an increasingly number of privatized actors. From companies that perform risk analysis to those who offer public spaces protection, the numbers of private actors in the security sector in Latin America overcomes those of the police personnel Percy, For comparative purposes, the Military Police in that state currently has a total of 81, soldiers Ministry of Justice, This process of privatization, as pointed by Leander , indicates a change in what we understand as security provision in modern communities:.
That argument finds support in the reflections of Sassen on the effects of globalization. In this analysis, the globalizing processes could not be understood as the "dismantling" of national states, while we find a corresponding "assembly" of new "global conjunctions". Within this perspective, globalization — and privatization — are not simply forces eroding the states, since these are included even assisting the supposed process of "dismantling" Sassen, Addressing the privatization of security as a simple process of deterioration of traditional authority hinders the analysis of important variables, especially the changes taking place within the official institutions and in the public space.
The authors suggest a model to analyze private agents acting on space formerly understood as public. In the specific case of this article, as private actors contribute to the establishment of the reframing processes of urban space, privatization becomes an important variable of a larger process of restructuring and reconfiguration of what is understood as public and private. Much of the discussion in relation to non-state actors involved in security practices are commonly centered on reflections about the threats that such agents can represent for government authority structures.
In this sense, the growth of private armed actors would not necessarily be related to a decrease of state authority and the erosion of the legitimacy of the use of force. That is why, in the present analysis, we prefer to address these questions through the lens of reframing : the presence of such actors actually indicates changes in the state and at the symbolically legitimate forms for the use of force.
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The presence of such actors represents the emergence of new security structures that recombine practices that were previously dichotomist. State capacity, within this scenario, is certainly reconfigured, but not necessarily weakened. The consideration made by Pierre Bourdieu highlights some of this reconfiguration. For the French sociologist, the state is the "culmination of a process of concentration of different types of capital within a specific field [of power]" Bourdieu, In this sense, the constitution of the state agent is related to the construction of a power field in which several actors vying that has the greatest legitimacy to exert force.
From this premise, the question again is not centered on whether the state is losing or gaining strength due to the presence of private actors, but as the relations of such agents within the security field are being modified. Employing Bourdieu structures, to understand the changes of the actors in the field is, in essence, getting how state power is being reconfigured. These changes in the relations between public and private may indicate, as puts Garland , the emergence of a third force in providing security, in conjunction with the police and the armed forces.
According to the author, instead of imagining that they can monopolize control of crime, or to exercise their sovereign powers in complete disagreement with the powers of other actors, state agencies are now adopting the strategy of relating to other forces of social control. Hence, the resignification of public safety and of private safety in the urban environment, based on the examples given above, establish a model in which non-state and state actors use violence — physical or symbolic — to reconfigure the occupation of spaces.
This dynamic seeks to eliminate possible threats or to revamp old spaces to establish a new economic relationship with the territory. These actions are often justified by projections or resizing of an enemy — this enemy who, in Rio de Janeiro, is traditionally translated in the figure of the young, black and impoverished inhabitant of favelas —. Present in almost all forms of control in the UK, this company drew particular attention by the use of unmanned aerial vehicles UAV for monitoring around the stadiums.
These agents would be responsible not only for the security environment, but also for in the identification of potential risks. This ability to indicate possible risks is at the core of these security processes and, accordingly, private agents would be at the heart of the ability to indicate who may or may not occupy any space.
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The increasing relevance of a private rationality with the ability to determine what are the spaces and agents able — and thus legitimate — to control a given population seems to indicate a possible common denominator for such risk-assessment dynamics. In London, the transformation of the surveillance and control systems based on video cameras and sophisticated computer programs into facial identification started being enforced before the preparations for the Olympics.
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The center has also access to another cameras which belongs to private contractors of public services such as bus companies and ferryboat services. Hence, the production of newspacialities in Rio de Janeiro — which requires new means for control and surveillance — has been possible by a combination of the traditional and off-spread discourses of fear particularly against impoverished and black people living in favelas with novel justifications related to the so-called urgency of pacifying the city to make it fit to host major events.
A pacified city? The concept of pacification belongs to the ethos of the Brazilian Armed Forces, especially the Army. The military presence in national political life is historically intrinsically associated with the presumed perennial mandate to counter or to pacify rebellions and challenges to the established political order. The political and social relevance of the Brazilian Army increased after its victory in the civil war in Southern Brazil , and particularly after the triumph of the Triple-Alliance Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay in the Paraguayan War Claiming more participation and valorization in the Monarchical rule, part of the young Army officials opened itself to ideas such as slave Abolitionism, Republicanism and the French Positivism.
Thenceforth the Army has become an unavoidable political and social actor in Brazil.
In such a context, one of the main elements of the Brazilian Army identity is the sign of modernization associated with the character of pacification. Those victories were commonly named as pacification campaigns. The Army was requested, since the s, to engage missions related to the combat of organized crime and drug-trafficking.
Nevertheless, this response was not comparable in terms of intensity and efforts to the Colombian, Peruvian or Mexican military engagement, notably since the s, where the military has assumed key positions in the public safety administration, as well as occupying entire cities and regions in the name of fighting drug-trafficking organizations Marcy, ; Rodrigues, The first internal vector was linked to the incipient process of redefinition of the armed forces role in a period of distrust in a newly democratic rule after the long dictatorship which have found the blurred frontiers between national security and public safety represented by drug-trafficking as a possible new orientation for the military.
Finally, the second internal vector was connected to the generalized social fear — especially in the major cities — with criminality and the use of illegal drugs.lesshighpafi.cf
U.S. Military History in the Public Documents and Patents Department
This fear started supporting a new generation of severe criminal laws aiming practices such as drug-trafficking and kidnapping. The beginning of the 21 st century witnessed a considerable increase of the military summoning to act in functions described as subsidiary such as monitoring cities during national and local voting processes and general security in major events such as the UN Environment Conference in Rio de Janeiro.
During the Lula Administration this role went even further. This law restructured and amplified previous decisions related to the use of military force within Brazilian borders, manly in the so-called law and order guarantee operations. After that, among other novelties, the Brazilian Federal Government, through its President and its Ministry of Defense, was authorized to deploy military from the Army, the Navy and the Air Force to support state governments facing problems in public safety. One peculiarity of this Act is the determination of authority and command during the operation: due to the legal text the whole authority will remain upon the force commander pointed out by the President.
Interestingly, this particular kind of submission recalls the national security system operating during the civil-military rule when the Army had direct control over state Military Police.
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This kind of control was confronted by new democratic-elected governors after being changed in the Constitution. Thus the Act opened a new path for the interference of the military into state security matter. The largest recent experience of military intervention in public safety comes precisely from this context.
In fact, this word had resurfaced two years before, in , when the Rio de Janeiro state government started a program of public safety called Units of Pacifying Police UPP. This program was inspired in similar initiatives taken previously in cities like Medellin Colombia based on the purpose of reoccupying slums and neighborhoods controlled by criminal gangs. The supposed novelty of this relied on the combination of coactive measures military and police occupation with social programs and public policy initiatives communitarian police, professionalizing courses, public healthcare, public schools, electricity and internet networks, garbage collection, etc.